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‘The naming ‘TESOL’ already assigns dichotomous Self-Other subject positions to teacher and learner.
It is always an inherently political endeavour which is carefully packaged ‘in a mantle of the apolitical’ (15)In trying to move away from the role of the language to examine the role of such accumulated power and authority in British circles Said lists some of the historical moments in which Britain has had an explicit display of power over colonies and concludes that while Orientalist novelists and historians derive their authority from these obvious superiority in known ‘power’ they at the same time are a part of the discursive mechanism of power creation through creating “worlds” in which such power relations are presupposed.
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“No one can deny the persisting continuity of long traditions, sustained habitations, national languages, and cultural geographies, but there seems no reason except fear and prejudice to keep insisting on their separation and distinctiveness, as if that was all human was about.” Edward Said (Culture and Imperialism locates England at the focal point of a world also resided over by its power, illuminated by its ideas and culture, kept productive by the attitudes of its moral teachers, artists, legislators.” (Culture and Imperialism 123)Robert (2008) tries to throw some light on role of English language and teaching in expansion of the empire on a more contemporary scale.
He believes that;“'British Council' was established in 1935 to promote British interests and English, partly in response to the success of the fascist governments of Italy and Germany in using language teaching and higher education scholarship to promote their national interest.” (5)“English is not merely an instrument for communication, it is a value one identifies with for the social functions the language is seen as serving, its utility in the linguistic market” (5)“the asymmetrical relationship between ‘natives’ and ‘non-natives’ is confirmed in the naming of the profession.
As such there appear to be a circularity in production and consumption of Orientalist ideologies.“what Ruskin, Tennyson, Meredith, Dickens, Arnold, , George Elliot, Carlyle, Mill- in short the full roaster of significant Victorian writers- saw was a tremendous international display of British power virtually unchecked over the entire world.
It was both logical and easy to identify themselves in one way or another with this power, having through various means already identified themselves with Britain domestically…There is an impressive circularity here; we are dominant because we have the power (industrial, military, moral), and they don’t, because of which they are not dominant; they are inferior, we are superior..” (127)Such circularity is an inherent quality of a system of ideology-discourse-ideology of any kind, the type which can analysed and discussed in racist/discriminatory ideaologies as well.
In countries like Algeria and Kenya one can watch the heroic resistance of community partly formed out of colonial degradations, leading to a protracted armed and cultural conflict with the imperial powers, in turn giving way to a one-party state with dictatorial rule and, in case of Algeria, an uncompromising Islamic fundamentalism opposition…No transformation of social consciousness here, but only an appalling pathology of power duplicated elsewhere- in the Philippines, Indonesia, Pakistan, Zaire, Morocco, Iran…
Any way is not the only alternative"(277).“Democracy in any real sense of the word is nowhere to be found in the still ‘nationalistic’ Middle East: there are either privileged oligarchies or privileged ethnic groups.
Here’s a quick look at the chemistry behind the di ...